27 January 2011

Carbon Capture and Storage in the Clean Development Mechanism

The inclusion of Carbon Capture and Storage (CCS) in the UN's Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) is a boon for the Middle East and North Sea oil industries, which would use the scheme to subsidise the extraction of even more oil from the ground.

What was agreed?

“Carbon dioxide capture and storage in geological formations” is now eligible as a basis for CDM projects, as a result of the UN Climate Change Conference (COP16) in Cancun. This is likely to be of greatest benefit to oil companies, which are hastily rebranding techniques known as Enhanced Oil Recovery (EOR) as a means to store carbon underground.

EOR was originally developed as a means to extract more oil from fields that were reaching the end of their lifespan. This is still its primary purpose, rather than reducing emissions. If included in the CDM, a calculation of “reductions” would be made in relation to the amount of CO2 pumped into old oil wells. The calculation would not consider the far larger volume of CO2 released into the atmosphere through the extraction and burning of more oil. As has been seen with other CDM methodologies, the “lock in” effect of subsidising a fossil-fuel based energy model is not considered relevant to how offset “reductions” are calculated.

Looking further ahead, CCS is being promoted as “clean coal” in the electricity sector, as well as attracting interest from a variety of industrial sectors (notably, steel) that are keen to claim emissions reductions without engaging in a fundamentally cleaner development path or technological overhaul. What all of these technologies have in common is an assumption that the capture, transport and storage of carbon can be viably achieved on a large scale. This has not yet been proven, and there are many reasons to believe that this will be neither technically feasible nor economically viable.

The Cancun decision is not the end of the story of CCS in CDM. Implementing the agreement requires that a series of issues are “resolved in a satisfactory manner.” The decision catalogues a series of pitfalls, including the risk that CO2 storage is not permanent and could leak from underground geological formations. Other environmental and public health risks, and legal liabilities in the case of leaks or “damage to the environment, property or public health” remain to be addressed. The text of the decision also claims that projects will need to make “adequate provision for restoration of damaged ecosystems and full compensation for affected communities in the event of a release of carbon dioxide.” The CDM contains no mechanism to enforce such provisions, and the nature of the scheme (which is primarily a means for subsidising polluting industries) makes it unlikely that such provisions will emerge.

Read the rest of the article here

Two Pluses Don't Make a Positive: REDD and agriculture

It is one of the first laws of diplomacy: when it is hard to agree on an answer, change the question. Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Degradation (REDD) schemes are the product of two of these diplomatic back-flips.

First, whereas the Kyoto Protocol included no forestry or land-use emissions targets or mechanisms, such measures are a central feature in negotiations for a continuation or successor climate treaty. The former caution resulted from the complexity and uncertainty of accounting for reductions in these sectors, but the fact that significant measurement challenges remain has not slowed the rush to develop REDD. This new enthusiasm is largely driven by economic calculations. According to cost-benefit analyses like the influential Stern Review on The Economics of Climate Change, reducing tropical deforestation would be far cheaper than curbing fossil fuel use in the industrialised world.

A second switch concerns the framing of the question of how best to tackle deforestation. REDD puts a cash value on forests on the assumption that this will result in their preservation and, in turn, a "carbon saving." In other words, these schemes do not ask "how best might forests be protected?" but presume that carbon pricing mechanisms are the leading solution. Negotiations on REDD are then narrowed to questions of whether it is better to make forest payments through direct financial transfers or to develop forest carbon offsets. These are more often presented as a sequence, rather than a set of alternatives: almost all potential funders view their initial outlay as a means to "kick start" what will eventually be an offset scheme. The eventual extension of REDD to encompass all forms of land use is also under consideration.

The reality of REDD is likely to be far messier, more expensive and damaging than the economists claim. It will also prove fundamentally unjust - a concept that is alien to cost-benefit modelling. Indeed, the very idea that REDD offsets could be used to allow continued greenhouse emissions from industrialised countries turns the ethical responsibility for climate change upside down: it outsources responsibilities that should rest with the very countries and corporations that have disproportionately caused climate change. Such concerns are not simply ethical but practical too. Deforestation cannot be reduced to a question of cost without losing sight of the complexity of social factors and power relations that underlie why it is happening. Agriculture is at the forefront of this debate because its encroachment into previously forested areas is generally presented as the major cause of tropical deforestation.

This article will show that REDD could favour large-scale farming and do considerable damage to the lives and livelihoods of small farmers, who play a vital role in food sovereignty. REDD "readiness plans" already include plantations and perverse incentives for the conversion of forested land for export-led agriculture. As such, REDD will not necessarily reduce deforestation, but can be characterised as a form of "structural adjustment" programme for land use.


Read the rest of the article here

22 January 2011

World Bank Partnership for Market Readiness: a critical introduction

When the World Bank gets busy, it usually spells bad news for people and the planet. The UN Climate Change Conference (COP16) in CancĂșn was no exception, with the Bank launching a flurry of new climate-related initiatives. Chief amongst these was the Partnership for Market Readiness (PMR), a new Fund which encourages the “scaling up” of carbon trading in middle-income countries. The aim is to develop carbon offsets “beyond existing CDM.” This pre-empts international negotiations on controversial new carbon markets, which made little progress in CancĂșn. In launching the PMR, it is clear that the World Bank is prepared to push ahead with new carbon markets regardless of the outcome of multilateral negotiations, using bilateral agreements if necessary, and bankrolling its initiative with “fast-start” climate financing. A closer examination of the financial assumptions behind the new Fund reveals that the major costs of the initiative will have to be met by the countries listed as “beneficiaries,” whilst the Bank and industrialised country donors retain significant control over how “market readiness” is implemented.

Read the rest of my article about this here.

12 August 2010

Climate Justice after Bolivia

This new book has just been released:

Space for Movement?
Reflections from Bolivia on climate justice, social movements and the state

Built around a series of interviews, it takes a critical look at the World People’s Conference on Climate Change and the Rights of Mother Earth (CMPCC) in Bolivia that took place last April. More than that, though, it reflects on how climate justice activists can negotiate the relationship between social movements and the state.

Click here to download Space for Movement? for free

New articles on carbon trading

A bit of cross-promotion here... a series of new articles on carbon trading, from the Carbon trade Watch newsletter

Carbon market “growth” is mainly fraudulent, World Bank report shows

The global carbon market grew in 2009. Far from signalling a success, this reflects a massive increase in fraud, the dumping of surplus emissions permits by industry, and a rise in financial speculation.

Read more...

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Creating new from the old: how the REDD+ Partnership plans to create a REDD market, plus!
The REDD+ Partnership intends to facilitate controversial forest payment schemes in advance of any UN climate agreement on an international framework to tackling deforestation.

Read more...


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Industrial gases in CDM: fixing a hole?
The majority of Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) offset credits issued to date are bogus, according to new research on industrial gas destruction projects.

Read more...

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The UN Boys Club tasked with redefining climate finance
Climate finance is a central element to any future international framework for tackling climate change, but a closed-door UN panel could redefine the terms of the debate away from the responsibilities of industrialised countries and encourage the further expansion of carbon markets.

Read more...

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More on Plantar as the struggle continues
The Plantar project was one of the first to be supported by the World Bank Prototype Carbon Fund (PCF). Some aspects of the project have since entered the Clean Development Mechanism, but the battle continues to keep more of this plantation scheme out of the CDM.

Read more...

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New Zealand's new carbon market: a taxpayer subsidy for plantations and energy companies
New Zealand has a new carbon market, the first national scheme to be launched outside Europe. It looks set to award profits to forest plantation owners, help power companies avoid emissions reductions, and pass the costs of tackling climate change from big business to individual consumers.

Read more...

27 May 2010

World Bank State and Trends of the Carbon Market 2010: an alternative view

The 2010 edition of the World Bank's annual State and Trends of the Carbon Market just came out. It's a useful (if obscure at times) source of info, if you filter through the obvious biases. Here's an attempt to do just that:

* The WB carbon market watchers are worried about the future of the UN's Clean Development Mechanism: demand for CDM credits fell, the development of new projects ground to a near halt, financiers were shipping out of CDM, and the future of demand for CDM offsets after 2012 is unclear.

* "The European Union Emissions Trading System (EU ETS) remained the engine of the carbon market. A total of US$119 billion (€89 billion) worth of allowances and derivatives changed hands." The increased volume of trade in the EU ETS is explained by (I) VAT manipulation, some of which was fraudulent; (ii) a fire sale of surplus permits to raise short term cash, (iii) an increase in speculation

* On "volume of trade" there's actually a massive fudge in the WB's way of dealing with the VAT loopholes - in particular, the purchases of EURs as a way to "legitimately" generate short term financial gain (as opposed to the illegal, carousel fraud stuff). The WB notes a 450% increase in "spot market trades" in early 2009, which is closely related to this (although partly also explained by the dumping of surplus permits by industries in the EU looking for quick cash). So the headline to the WB press release: "Global Carbon Market Grows to $144 billion Despite Financial and Economic Turmoil" overlooks some rather awkward questions about a spike in trade that a result of manipulation (and, in some cases, outright fraud), on the one hand, and an increased volume of trade caused by companies dumping carbon permits, causing the price to collapse (!)

* The EU remains far and away the largest source of demand for Kyoto offsets (mainly CDM). If there's no Kyoto commitment post-2012 or new deal, the EU ETS will restricted purchases to offsets developed in LDCs, and to countries with bilateral deals with the EU (watch this space).

* The vast majority of CDM and JI credits issued now are being bought for purposes of financial speculation or to be “banked” by industrial users (so that they won't need to make changes in their emissions in the post-2012 period). Very few players need these credits in relation to current "compliance" requirements: either for companies to meet EU ETS targets, or countries to meet their Kyoto targets. The exceptions are a few large power producers in the EU (mostly in UK and Germany) who are "short" in ETS. Amongst governments, Spain and Italy account look set to account for almost half of the government purchases of Kyoto offsets (mostly CERs) by 2012.

* The WB estimate for the phase 2 surplus of permits in ETS is 970 million tons CO2. As of 2009, the total ETS emissions reduction for the period 2013-2020 projected by the EU was 2,642Mt CO2e. ie. almost 40 per cent of the claimed reduction would be met by permits banked from phase 2, on these figures.

( This is quite similar to what the UK NGO Sandbag concluded: they talked of up to 700 million surplus permits, plus up to 900 million offsets available in theory... and predicted 950 million tonnes as a likely figure to be carred over). This figure is additional to the 50% limit on CER use - so basically the EU can get away with making very few domestic reductions through to 2020. The picture looks even worse, incidentally, if you factor in secular trends towards industrial outsourcing, emissions that are already outsourced, international aviation and shipping, etc.

* If Bulgaria, the Czech Republic, Lithuania, Latvia, Hungary, and Romania win their ongoing legal cases against the European Commission on phase 2 allocations, this "could add another 164 million tons per year to the market" (ie. increasing the overall surplus)

* The WB also (unintentionally?) identifies a further quirk in the way that the EU will allocate. Although a 50% limit on the use of offsets is the overall figure, there will be far more generous allowances on offset use amongst those who might actually need to buy permits to meet their targets - ie. coal power producers in the UK and Germany, and plant operators in Spain and Italy (see p.63). It is hard to square this circle in a situation where all possible offsets are taken up, but since information in the market is far from "perfect" this is never going to be the case. So it seems the assumption is that the major purchasers can rely on offsets, but this over-reliance will be offset by the companies in the scheme that are over-allocated not buying offsets... so that the overall use of international offsets remains below the 50% claimed threshold

* Lack of confidence in the CDM led to a rise in AAU transactions. These are “hot air” permits, often backed by questionable and unregulated Green Investment Schemes. The main purchases were by Japan from the Czech Republic and Ukraine. (NB. this does not reflect the AAU transfer within the EU, which redistributes from East to West, helping the Western European countries to meet Kyoto targets)

* Carbon leakage isn't happening, despite what EU industry lobbyists claim: " a study that examined import and export data for goods whose production now incurs a carbon cost (i.e., cement and steel) found no leakage. By and large, net import trends prior to 2005 continued unchanged during 2005–07. This is not surprising since the cost of carbon has been just one of many costs that determine industrial production and location; the carbon price alone has not been a determining factor." (The study is referenced as A. D. Ellerman, F. J. Convery, C. de Perthuis, 2010, Pricing Carbon: The European Union Emissions Trading Scheme,Cambridge University Press. This is a pro-ETS and rather flawed book, although their analysis of this point is quite right i think, and consistent with a number of other assessments). For more on carbon leakage, see p.46 to p.48 of Carbon Trading: how it works and why it fails

* Hedging and speculation are now the main uses of the carbon market, rather than "compliance" with caps: (p.16) "The market, which used to be dominated by banks and utilities, witnessed a growing presence of funds, energy-trading firms, and increasingly sophisticated utilities and industrials that used the options market for hedging (both volumes and prices) and profit-making transactions.

The bulk of activity now comes from volatility and other relative value trades rather than asset-backed trades (i.e., financial and technical trades now account for a greater portion of market activity than do trades for compliance purposes)."

* Post-2013 EU industrial benchmarking allocation rules will incentivise “efficient” biomass and CCS

* And finally... some light relief - corruption is now a sign of a successfully "maturing" and "mainstreamed" market, it seems:

"The EU ETS was also marked by controversy during 2009. ... evidence surfaced of “carousel” Value-added Tax (VAT) fraud in countries like France and the United Kingdom and a phishing attempt was made on Germany’s national EUA registry. More recently, the “recycling” of surrendered CERs added to the challenges faced by the European ETS.

Ironically, however, these controversies provide evidence that the emissions market is maturing
and becoming mainstreamed within the European economy. Entities don’t seek out loopholes in
insignificant markets, fraudsters do not focus on small businesses... "

04 February 2010

EU Emissions Trading lobbying in 2010: a quick guide

The following is a geeky digest on what's going on with the EU Emissions Trading Scheme, including what some of the main corporate lobbying efforts are

* Industries are currently lobbying on benchmarking rules
See eg. http://www.eurofer.org/

On past form, the "new entrants" terms are ones to watch - such as the chemicals industry

* Banks are worried about possible effects of Obama proposals on “proprietary trading”, esp. if spread to EU .
(Proprietary trading is where banks make bets with their own money, rather than investing other peoples' - explained here

* EU energy sector lobbies against exclusion of carbon “futures” auctioning

* Ongoing work on proposals to include shipping in ETS, which the EU proposes to do in the absence of a global agreement by the end of 2011

* Industrialists´ lobby wants global carbon market as part of EU-Long Term strategy:

“ERT's vision for a competitive Europe in 2025,” 2 Feb 2010: “Move towards a low-carbon economy: Encourage the continuing development of a global carbon market by taking steps towards linking the EU Emissions Trading System (ETS) with other developed country systems (notably the USA), ensuring broad access to project mechanism reductions and market surveillance conducted at an EU level. ”

This is related to EU's debate on 2020 strategy - which includes many references (in submissions from EU industry lobbies) on carbon market linking and "leakage"

* EU ETS phase 3 rules that will be set this year: absolute allocations (that each country will receive), auction rules, new entrants rules (and reporting), benchmarking

By March 2010: Commission regulation on Auctioning due

By 30 June 2010: Publication of absolute ETS allowances for 2013

By December 2010: Commission to publish estimated amount of allowances to be auctioned

* The rules for allocation of auction revenues from 300 million permits to CCS (and unspecified loose change to "innovative renewables") are now decided and will be handled by the European Investment Bank: